Χετταϊκά Κείμενα
Χετταϊκά Κείμενα (Ίλιο)[]
Remarkable discoveries in central Turkey have lead to the decipherment of the Hittite language and have revealed the existence of a great empire which stretched from the Aegean to the Euphrates valley at the precisely the time when more likely the Trojan war occurred. In the Hittite archives we have thus real historical texts to interpret: diplomatic letters, treaties, annals and royal autobiographies where the relationship between the Hittite empire and their neighbours (places and populations) are often described. Several Hittite tables make reference to the city or the area of Wilusa one time also associated with the name Taruwisa (*4). This city was located in the Assuwa country in the North western area of Anatolia. This area was involved in some conflict with the under expansion Hittite empire. The Hittite king Tudhalija I (about 1420-1400 BC) defeated some of the local population which were absorbed into the Hittite kingdom, while other countries remain indipendent even if under the Hittite political influence.
For the above mentioned phonetic laws of Greek the name Ilios was before Homer Wilios which is phoneticaly comparable with the Hittite form Wilusa. Furthermore, even if the name Taruwisa can't be fully phoneticaly associated with the Greek Troia the similitude is at least reasonable.The city of Wilusa under the Hittite King Muwattalli II (about 1290-1272 BC) become what the Hittite called "soldier servant" that is a Hittite vassal state with military responsibilities and with a promise of Hittite military protection in return. (the Hittite tablets also mentioned Wilusa troops/chariots fighting in the Qadesh battle of 1274 BC).
Following the Hittite tablets description and comparing them with some archaeological evidences it is now possible to connect Wilusa with the city excavated in the Hisarlik hill traditionaly identified as the Homeric Troy.
One of the most clear evidence was found years ago by Professor David Hawkins of the School of Oriental and African Studies in London.In the Karabel pass which takes the road from Ephesus to Sardis over the Imolus range, not far from the modern Turkish city of Izmir, there's an ancient sculpture of an armed human figure cut into the rock. However, no one knew what it meant, because until Hawkins' breakthrough, no-one had been able to decipher the inscription associated with the sculpture. Hawkins' translation identified the human figure as the King of a powerful western country called Mira. The sculpture probably marked Mira's northern frontier with another kingdom called the Seha River Land. We now know that this kingdom extended north from the Karabel pass towards the northwest corner of Anatolia. When taken in conjunction with a letter, this new information helped scholars to locate the kingdom of Wilusa. The letter was written by a king of the Seha River Land called Manapa-Tarhunda to his Hittite overlord. It describes how a notorious local trouble makers called Piyamaradu (*5) has attacked Wilusa. The Hittite King orders Manapa-Tarhunda to drive Piyamaradu out, but he fails dismally and the Hittites send out an expeditionary force to do the job themselves. Before reaching Wilusa, the Hittite force arrives first in the Seha River Land and from there march directly into Wilusa. This leads to the inescapable conclusion that there is only one possible location for Wilusa - in the far Northwest corner of Turkey, the precise location of the site of Troy. It seems likely that Wilusa and Troy are one and the same.
Furthermore in the Hittite treat with Wilusa of Muwattalli II (about 1290-1272 BC) an underground watercourse is mentioned (The Troy watercourse is also mentioned by Homer and it has been actually found by Manfred Korfman excavation), the Wilusa deity is Appalliunas (The Apollo deity protector of Homeric Troy?) and the Wilusa governor or King is Alaksandu (which remaind the Greek name Alexandros the other name of Paris). Also the name Paris seems to be the Hittite/Luwian name Pariya (or Priya) as well as the Priam's name too may be Pariya-muwa (or Priya-muwa) composed from a toponym or adverb plus-muwa "strong" even if these names are given without further context.
Western Anatolian based on Hittite tablets There are several Hiitite diplomatic documents showing references with the city or the area of Wilusa:
Χρονικά Tudhalija I[]
Wilusija (later called Wilusa) appeared in the Hittite text under King Tudhalija I (about 1420-1400 BC) when this King defeated a coalition of 22 Luwian countries and cities located in the Assuwa, Arzawa, Seha river and Haballa areas. In this damaged annals also the name Taruwisa is mentioned.
Επιστολή Manapa-Tarhunda[]
On a letter dated around 1310-1280 BC by King Manapa-Tarhunda of Seha river land (*6) to a not specified Hittite King (more likely Mursili II about 1318-1290 BC) Wilusa and the surrounding areas are mentioned because the mercenary called Piyamaradu had depose the governor of Wilusa Kukkunni and he is also moving to attack the island of Lazpas (Lesbos) but the Hittite army moved in the area defeating the mercenary.
In this letter Wilusa is described as a city located up to north of the land under Manapa-Tarhunda control, thus in the Troad area.
Συνθήκη Alaksandu[]
During the Kingdom of Hittite King Muwattalli II (about 1290 - 1272 BC) a tablet decribes the alieance treat between the Hittite empire and the new governor or King of Wilusa named Alaksandu.
In this document the Wilusa deity Appalliunas (Apollo ?) and the underground watercourse of the land of Wilusa (actually found by archaeological excavation) are mentioned.
Επιστολή Tawalagawa[]
In the Tawalagawa letter the Hittite King Hattusili II -formerly III- (about 1265-1240 BC) wrote to the Great King of Ahhiyawa (Achaeans) about his concern for the activity of Piyamaradu who in collusion with the Ahhiyawa king's brother Tawagalawa (which seems correspond to the Greek name of Eteocles) based in Milawanda (Miletus) are making raids in Lycia.
Hattusili II is thus obligate to send his army in the Milawanda area, and Piyamaradu with Tawagalawa have fled overseas.
In this letter a past hostile situation in the Wilusa area is also mentioned.
Επιστολή Manapa-Dattas[]
In the Manapa-Dattas letter the King of the Seha river land (South of Arzawa and Wilusa) wrote to an not identified Hittite King Hattusili II or Tudhalija III -formerly IV- (about 1240-1215 BC).
In this letter Manapa-Dattas make reference to an Hittite army which is moving on west and to somebody who is making war action in the Wilusa area.
Furthermore the Seha river land has been attacked by Piyamaradu army which has also attacked Lesbos island.
Επισόδειο Walmu[]
Another reference to Wilusa said that the deposed governor of the area Walmu (successor of Alaksandu) was refugee to the Myra King but Tudhalija III order him to return back to Wilusa.
Επιστολή Suppiluliuma II[]
The last mention of Wilusa in the Hittite text is in a letter from Suppiluliuma II (after 1215 BC) to the King of Myra about some contrast for the throne of Wilusa.
Δέηση Istanuwa[]
An interesting reference about Wilusa it has been also found in another Hittite table with religion locutions about the holly city of Istanuwa. In that area was recite a song which starts: AH-HA-TA-TA A-LA-TI A-U-I-EN-TA U-I-LU-SA-TI "When steep they comes wilusa". Unfortunately the text is incomplete but if the song makes reference to something happened in Wilusa more likely it was a glorious military event. But since the city of Istanuwa wouldn't precious located or other elements will be discover, this possible "Wilusiad" will remain just a speculative hypothesis. It is now clear that in the Bronze Age the area traditionaly identify as the Homeric Troy was know to the Hittites as Wilusa and the Greeks as Wilios. Moreover, in the "land of Wilusa" at the end of the fifteenth century BC, the Hittites knew an area called Taruwisa, which can scarcely be distinguished from the Greek Troia. This city was an important political-economical Luwian center and that it was, since about 1290 to 1215 BC, allied with the near Hittite empire. We know from the Hittite tablets and archaeological excavation that war actions, destructions and diplomatic crisis occurred in that area. The city that Homer's Iliad tells of is therefore certainly a historical reality, and in the Broze Age it lay in precisely that area of north-west of Anatolia where the tradition places it. But were the Achaeans involved in these events? Were the Homeric Achai(w)oi mentioned in some historical documents and were they involved in warfare activity in the western Anatolian area during the late Bronze Age? Reconstruction of Troy VIh/VIi (Wilusa of the Hittite text)
Χετταϊκά Κείμενα (Αχαιοί)[]
1. AhT 22 (CTH 571.2). Oracle report. Late-fifteenth–early-fourteenth century b.c.e. Reign of Tudhaliya I/II.
2. AhT 3 (CTH 147). Indictment of Madduwatta. Early-fourteenth century b.c.e. Reign of Arnuwanda I.
3. AhT 1A (CTH 61.I). Ten-Year Annals of Mursili II, years 3–4. Latefourteenth century b.c.e.
4. AhT 1B (CTH 61.II). Extensive Annals of Mursili II, years 3–4. Latefourteenth–early-thirteenth century b.c.e.
5. AhT 20 (CTH 570.1). Oracle report. Late-fourteenth–early-thirteenth century b.c.e. Mursili II.
6. AhT 12 (CTH 214.12.A). Prayer of Mursili II/Muwattalli II/UrhiTeshshup(?). Late-fourteenth–mid-thirteenth century b.c.e.
7. AhT 9 (CTH 209.16). Letter from a king of Hatti(?) (perhaps Mursili II or Hattusili III) to a king of Ahhiyawa(?). Mid-fourteenth–thirteenth century b.c.e.
8. AhT 7 (CTH 191). Letter from Manapa-Tarhunta of the Seha River Land to a king of Hatti (probably Muwattalli II). Early-thirteenth century b.c.e.
9. AhT 6 (CTH 183). Letter from a king of Ahhiyawa to a king of Hatti (probably Muwattalli II). Early- to mid-thirteenth century b.c.e.
10. AhT 4 (CTH 181). Letter from a king of Hatti (probably Hattusili III) to a king of Ahhiyawa—the “Tawagalawa Letter.” Mid-thirteenth century b.c.e.
11. AhT 8 (CTH 209.12). Letter from a Hittite official to a king of Hatti (Hattusili III?). Mid-thirteenth century b.c.e.
12. AhT 15 (CTH 214.12.D). Letter from a king of Hatti (Hattusili III?) to another Great King. Thirteenth century b.c.e.
13. AhT 26 (CTH 590). Votive prayer of Puduhepa(?) (wife of Hattusili III). Mid-thirteenth century b.c.e.
14. AhT 18 (CTH 214.16). “Boundary” list(?). Mid- to late-thirteenth century b.c.e. Reign of Hattusili III or Tudhaliya IV(?)
15. AhT 14 (CTH 214.12.C). Extract from a letter(?) from a king of Hatti(?) (Tudhaliya IV?) concerning Urhi-Teshshup. Mid- to late-thirteenth century b.c.e.
16. AhT 11 (CTH 211.4). Offenses of the Seha River Land (royal edict of Tudhaliya IV?). Late-thirteenth century b.c.e.
17. AhT 5 (CTH 182). Letter from a king of Hatti (probably Tudhaliya IV) to a western Anatolian ruler (Tarkasnawa, king of Mira?)—the “Milawata Letter.” Late-thirteenth century b.c.e.
In Several Hittite texts the population of Ahhiyawa, which occurred at an early date as the name of a country, is mentioned. Not only does this name bear an obvious phonetic resemblance to the Achai(w)oi found in the Iliad and the A-KA-WI-JA-DE on Linear B tablet C 914 from Knossos "...a hecatomb of cattle is sent to akhaiwian.." which seems to be a unique Cretan reference to the mainland Greeks (*7).
But this word also, considered geographically and politically, seems to point to the people we know as "Greeks". In the so-called Taswagalawa letter the Hittite King Hattusili II (about 1265-1240 BC) consistelly addresses the King of Ahhiyawa formally, using the style " my brother". The significate of this is that the King of Ahhiyawa is placed on the same level as the Kings of Egypt, Babylon, Assuria and the Hittite King himself (*8). Furthermore it is clear that, at least at the time the letter was writen, the Ahhiyawa were a political and military force to be reckoned with.
Some expressions like "By ship" and "crosing" suggested that the Ahhiyawa were located overseas most likely to the west of Asia Minor. Based on some Hittite tablets the Ahhiyawa operational center in Anatolia was located in the city of Millawanda following the Hittite army trip of King Hattusili II to reach the area and based on some other places mentioned in association with Millawanda, that can be located in the interland of Miletus, it is clear that the geographical location of Millawanda correspond to the city of Miletus (*9).
In Miletus an Achaean style citadel as well as pottery, and other Mycenaean elements have been actualy discovered. Based on the above mentioned Hittite documents this settlement was attacked and sacked around 1315 BC by Mursili II and by Hattusili II around 1250 BC.
Evidences of destruction in the Achaean Miletus are in fact also attested by the archaeological excavations.In these periods the Achaeans settlements in the Anatolian coast and the relevant diplomatic relationship with the Hittite empire seems to be lead by the Achaean city of Thebes. In the letter of Hattusili II the name of the Ahhiyawa's Great King brother is Tawagalawa which seems related with the Greek name Eteocles (two occurrences of the name Etewokleweios in the Pylos tablets seems to supply an evolutionary link between Tawagalawa and this early version of Eteocles) and thus traditionaly related with the Achaean kingdoms of Orchomenos and Thebes. Another evidence is in a letter from the Great King of ahhiyawa to Hittite King Hattusili II. In this document (written in Hittite but the linguistic features of the text confirm that the writer spoke Greek, rather than Hittite, as his mother tongue) the Ahhiyawa King call himself heir of Kadmos which is traditionaly the founder of the Achaean city of Thebes. This is archaeological reasonable being the city of Thebes, before its destruction (about 1250 BC) (*10) comparable in size and political/military power with Mycenae.
In this Achaean pottery fragment from Miletus dated LH IIIB2 (about 1250 BC) a typic Hittite style high helmet or pillar seems to be represented. There are several Hittite documents in which Ahhiyawa appears:
Ένδικτο Madduwata[]
1)The earliest is the so-called Indictment of Madduwata.
It dates to the beginning of the 13th century BC, thus under the reign of Tudhalija I (1390 - 1365 BC) and Arnuwanda I (1365 - 1355 BC) and recounts Hittite dealing with Madduwata (1370 - 1355 π.Χ.), forced to flee his country by Attarsiya whom the Hittites called Man of Ahhiya(wa).
Madduwata was installed as a Hittite vassal ruler somewhere in southwestern Anatolian; however, he proved to be an ungrateful and overambitious person, who caused serious trouble for his overlord by attacking Hittite posesions in what appears to have been the area of classical Lycia and Caria. Later he even invaded Alasiya in alliance with his former enemy Attarsiya.
Χρονικά Mursili II[]
2)The next reference to Ahhiyawa comes from the time of the Hittite King Mursili II (about 1310-1290 BC). He conquered the country of Arzawa, which lay in the area of classical Lydia, with its capital Apasa (classical Ephesus). Relying on the King of Ahhiyawa, it engaged in hostilities against the Hittites and incited the land of Millawanda to rebellion, but was defeated and its prince probably handed over to the Hittites by Ahhiyawa King.
Επιστολή Tawagalawa[]
Probably the most important, and certainly the longest, Hittite text regarding Ahhiyawa is the so-called Tawagalawa letter. It is the letter of the Hittite King Hattusili III (about 1265-1240), to the Great King of Ahhiyawa, whose name is unfortunately not preserved. The letter is named after the first person mentioned in it, which is Tawagalawa, brother of the Ahhiyawa King. A more suitable label, however, would be "the Piyamaradu letter" because it is a complaint of the Hittite King to his fellow sovereign in Ahhiyawa about the depredations of Piyamaradu on Hittite territory, apparently committed with the tacit approval of the Ahhiyawa King. The most prominent feature of the letter is the apologetic and conciliatory tone used by the Hittite King to addressthe King of Ahhiyawa, probably a proof that the country of the latter was a respectable military power beyond Hittite reach. All this compatible with the facts known to us about the Achaeans of that age.
Αχαϊκή Επιστολή[]
In the letter of the Great King of Ahhiyawa to Hittite King Hattusili II (written in Hittite but the linguistic features of the text confirm that the writer spoke Greek, rather than Hittite, as his mother tongue) the King of Ahhiyawa cites a previous letter from his correspondent. This means that by the time this letter was written a regular exchange of correspondence was established between Hattusa and Ahhiyawa. The letter deals with the matter of the islands which oroginally belonged to Assuwa.
The Hitite King asserted in his message that these islands belonged to him.
The King of Ahhiyawa objects that an ancestor of his received the islands from the King of Assuwa. These islands were more likelly Lemnos, Imbros, and/or Samothrace.
Furthermore the Ahhiyawa king explains that a forebear of his had given his daughter in marriage to the then King of Assuwa (which after the chronology of Kings know to us must have been in the fifteenth century) and that consequently the islands had come into possession of Ahhiyawa.
The mentioned forebear is Kadmos whom as above mentioned is inseparably linked with Thebes(*11)
Χρονικά Hattusili IIΙ[]
In a fragmentary tablet from Hattusa the Hittite King Hattusili IIΙ mentioned a personal involvement of the Great King of Ahhiyawa in possibly fighting along the Anatolian coast. The tales is told after the successfully war campaign of Hattusili IIΙ in the western lands.
In the tablet is mentioned than meanwhile the Hattusa army moved in the Seha river land (= "χώρα Σκαιού Ποταμού" ~ Σκάμανδρου) the Ahhiyawa king withdrew (the translation... Ahhiyawa king withdrew... is dubfull it could also be interpretaded as... Take refuge with the King of Ahhiyawa... or...relied on the king of Ahhiyawa for support... In this case the subject could be again the trouble makers Piyama-radu)
Ειρήνη Sausgamuwa[]
The Hittites remained active in the Aegean area even close to the end of their empire by the texts from the time of Tudhalija III (about 1240-1215).
He not only successfully suppressed the revolts in the west-namely the land around the Seha river, and the southwest Lycia and Caria, but even managed to establish control over Millawanda.
In the as called treaty of Tudhalija III with his brother in law and vassal King Sausgamuwa of Amurru (contracted around 1220 BC), the King of Amurru was not only expressly instructed to impose a strict tarde blockade on Ahhiyawa, but the Great King of Ahhiyawa was deleted from the evidently very longstanding formula of Great Kings.(*12) Achaean arrowheads from Troy VIh/VIi strata
Γραμμική Β[]
Unfortunately no similar diplomatic style documents were produced by the Achaean palace administration or at least no evidences have been so far attested. Nevetheless some of the linear B tables from Pylos seem provide evidence of female slaves coming from the eastern Aegean.
The women were either captured during seaborne raids, or brought from slave traders. The fact they are usually mentioned with their children but not with men implies the familiar raiding pattern of predatory warbands, when the men are killed and the women carried off.
These groups of women are recorder doing menial tasks such as grinding grain, carding flax and spinning wool.
Their ration quotas suggest that they were numbered in the hundreds (about 700 women with their 400 girls and 300 boys who..."belong to them"). Many are distinguished by ethnic adjectives, probably denoting the places they came from, and though some of these are still not understood, several of the women come from eastern Aegean island or the western seaboard of Anatolia- Knidos, Miletos, Lemnos, Halikarnassos, Chios and AS-WI-JA which seems to be related the Assuwa (Lydia) of the Hittite tablets.
Recorded on one tablet from Pylos (PY Ep 705.6) there is even the enigmatic name TO-RO-JA (woman from Troy?).
These descriptions often use the term LA-WI-AI-AI "captives" which is the same word used by Homer to describe women seized by Achilles at Lyrnessos during a predatory foray south of Troy (*13).
Επίλογος[]
It was now clear from the Hittite tablets and from several archaeological evidences that the Achaeans of the 14th and 13th centuries BC (the heyday of their civilisation) were largely involved in trade, diplomatic and armed foray along the shores and islands of the western Anatolian.
Based on these elements is it thus possible to make some reasonable hypothesis about the historicity of the Trojan war also taking into account the traditonal Myth?
Υποσημειώσεις[]
- 1) Michael Ventris-John Chadwick, Documents in Mycenaean Greek ( II edition); Cambridge University Press (1973).
- 1a) Rosario Vieni, La lingua dei Micenei; Catanzaro (1990).
- 2) Joachim Latacz, Troy and Homer, Towards a solution of an old mystery; Oxford University Press (2004).
- 3) Iliad, II 494-759.
- 4) Taruwisa only occurs once, in the damaged annals of Tudhalija I (about 1420-1400 BC), the first Hittite King to visit this region, in a list of towns of the land of Assuwa on the west coast of Anatolia. These towns are apparently listed in geographical order starting from the border with Lukka land, and this puts Taruwisa, the last i the list, in a northery location in the Troad, in fact.
- 5) Piyama-radu (Piyama means gift and Radu was a good deity) is mentioned in several Hittite tables dated from 1290 to 1215 BC. He was probably a Luwian price belong to the "Apta" population. He seems to be a dangerous mercenary alied with the Ahhiyawa (The Achaeans).
- 6) It is know by other documents that this region correspond to the modern Mysia.
- 7) The mainland Greeks referred to the Cretan as "Kretes" (Bennet 1999 11-30).
- 8) Hagenbuchner 1989: I. 45f - Kings of equal status usually address on another as ..."My brother"-.
- 9) In some place the name is Milawata suggesting an early Greek form Milwatos.
- 10) As for the traditional Epigons mith Thebes was destroyed by a coalition of Achaean reigns some decades before the Trojan war. For this reason it was not mentioned between the kingdoms involved in the expetion lead by Mycenae King Agamemnon against Troy.
- 11) The Greeks have always held Kadmos to be the founder of Thebes, and the royal city of Thebes was and is still caled Kadmeia.
- 12) If, as seems plausible, the relations of the Hittite empire were maintained with the High King of Ahhiyawa from Thebes this Achaean city just loose his power in that period.
- 13) Iliad XX, 193. It is also a remarkable fact that Homer names a number of islands in the eastern Aegean as homes of women taken on Achaian raids, including Lesbos, Skyros and Tenedos (Iliad: IX, 128-130, 270-272, 664-665; XI, 625-627)
- 13a) Kraft joined the UD faculty in 1964. He holds a bachelor’s degree in geology and mineralogy from the Pennsylvania State University and both a master’s in geology and sedimentology and a doctorate in geology and micropaleontology from the University of Minnesota.
- 14) For the Greek mythology Poseidon, also personified as a horse controlled, from his sea-domain, the devastating force of the earthquake. This ability to summon earthquakes earned Poseidon the epithet of "Earth Shaker".
- 15) Based on Homer also the Cretan king Idomeneus was one of the warriors hidden inside the wooden horse.
Υποσημειώσεις[]
Εσωτερική Αρθρογραφία[]
- Επιστολή Tawalagawa
- Αιγυπτο-Χετταϊκοί Πόλεμοι
- Χετταϊκή Αυτοκρατορία, Χετταίοι, Αιγύπτιοι
- Μάχες 13ου Αιώνα π.Χ.
- Μάχες 13ου Αιώνα π.Χ.
- Πόλεμοι 13ου Αιώνα π.Χ.
- Πόλεμοι 13ου Αιώνα π.Χ.
Βιβλιογραφία[]
Ιστογραφία[]
- Ομώνυμο άρθρο στην Βικιπαίδεια
- Ομώνυμο άρθρο στην Livepedia
- Επιστημονική Ανάλυση στο salimbeti.com
- edu.nbu.bg
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